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    Como consecuencia del dictado del fallo Mignone por la Corte Suprema de la Nación, en el año 2004 se eliminó del Código Electoral Nacional (CEN) la exclusión del padrón de las personas privadas de la libertad, sin condena efectiva, y en el 2006 el Poder Ejecutivo Nacional reglamentó el nuevo art. 3 bis del mencionado Código permitiendo que los presos sin condena pudiesen votar, aunque únicamente para cargos nacionales. En el año 2009 el Centro Latinoamericano de Derechos Humanos (CLADH) interpuso una acción de amparo electoral colectiva ante la Junta Electoral, a los fines de que ésta dispusiera todos los medios necesarios para que en las elecciones del 28 de junio de ese mismo año, las personas que se encontraran en prisión preventiva en las cárceles de Mendoza pudieran elegir, no sólo a los cargos nacionales, sino también a los provinciales y municipales cuando corresponda. El objetivo era garantizar que el derecho al sufragio igual y universal, y el derecho a la igualdad y no discriminación no se vieran violados, a causa de una omisión del Estado. La Junta Electoral de Mendoza dictó sentencia el 23 de junio de 2009, entendiendo que carecía de competencia para resolver sobre el fondo por tratarse de elecciones nacionales y provinciales conjuntas, siendo por tanto, competencia de la justicia federal. Sin perjuicio de ello, reconoció el derecho de los detenidos no condenados en prisión preventiva a ejercer su derecho político al voto, y exhortó al Poder Ejecutivo y al Poder Legislativo a adoptar las medidas necesarias para hacer efectivo el derecho reclamado, antes de la próxima elección. Sentencia Junta Electoral En el año 2011, el CLADH promovió nuevamente un amparo electoral colectivo a los fines de garantizar el derecho al voto de los procesados sin condena. In terms of content and messaging, no other American leader in the past has spoken out so forthrightly about Afghanistan’s core challenge, as well as the geopolitical and national security complexities inherent to the greater South-Central Asia region. Nonetheless, the President’s speech skimpily alluded to, but did not go far enough on, two requisite accessories to the main strategic thrust: the need for revitalized American diplomacy to assure buy-in from U. allies and support, to the extent possible, from key international stakeholders; and assuring Afghan political legitimacy and stability, resulting in sustainable progress. As expected, the speech received immediate knee-jerk reactions from partisan and special interest quarters. Some cynically described the policy as “recycled” and the conflict as “an endless war”, while other commentators saw merit in the candid nature of the policy recalibration. In Pakistan, Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi said it is “unfair” to blame his country for troubles in Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Pakistani pro-Taliban groups issued a call for “jihad ” and warned that the Pakistani army would not take any action against the Haqqani network, a Taliban-affiliated outfit classified as a terrorist organization by the U. In Afghanistan, however, the mood was generally welcoming and supportive. While the Taliban and former president Hamid Karzai opposed the new U. policy (for different reasons), the Afghan unity government praised the pronouncement and pledged to work with America on shared goals as part of the new way forward. It is expected to break the stalemate that has evolved since 2012 as the Taliban strategy shifted from containment to territorial control, expanding their footprint to some 40% of the Afghan countryside albeit influencing no more than 10% of the population. advisors and coordinators within combat battalions. Given lessons learned and past practices, however, success will also depend on such factors as Afghan leadership and force morale, equipment and weapons effectiveness, intelligence gathering and coordination, better training and oversight of police and para-military units, assuring local support of the population, avoiding civilian losses, fighting corruption and assuring professionalism in key positions, and targeting enemy finance and funding networks.

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